Friday, May 30, 2008

Letter From Lille: Echoes of '68

May 1968....

As France commemorates the fortieth anniversary with a flurry of debates, books, movies and celebrations, the Old Left looks its age. The Socialist Party is divided, the Communist Party is a shambles and the supporters of both are searching for answers. Enter Olivier Besancenot, the charismatic 34-year-old leader of the Revolutionary Communist League, the successor of the Communist League, known by its French acronym LCR.

Surfing on the mounting resentment toward the pro-market policies of conservative President Nicolas Sarkozy, the tepid opposition of the establishment left and his own newfound popularity, Besancenot is convinced that the time is ripe to upset the existing order.

So on a chilly January night, he ventured into France's northern region. With its hulking steel mills and red-brick mining towns from a bygone era, its rich cast of trade-union and political leaders, the north of France has for decades been a bastion of the Old Left.

Besancenot had come to urge leftist militants to join the new "anticapitalist" party the LCR decided to form at its last annual gathering in a daring bid to rejuvenate itself and lure disillusioned members of the Old Left and the younger, anti-racist and global justice crowd.

This is no joke. To be sure, no Trotskyist will likely ever sit in the Élysée Palace, and power will probably continue to alternate between a conservative bloc and the Socialist Party for years to come. But two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, France has by far the most vibrant revolutionary left in Western Europe. And Besancenot, a postman who doubles as the LCR's chief spokesman, is probably its most able representative, an everyday man turned charismatic national figure, a young amateur politician standing out in a sea of party apparatchiks.

Continued HERE

Thursday, May 29, 2008

New Caledonia police clash with union demonstrators in Noumea

Police in the French Occupied Pacific territory of New Caledonia have
used tear gas to break up a protest by hundreds of union activists
during a visit by a French government minister.

Members of a union representing New Caledonia's indigenous Kanak
population had called a general strike on the first day of a visit
France's junior minister for overseas territories, Yves Jego.

The clashes in the capital, Noumea, are said to have lasted for about
two hours.

One policeman is reported to have been slightly injured in the
violence, and one protester arrested.

The union says further demonstrations are planned. au/news/stories/ 200805/s2259814. htm?tab=pacific

New Caledonia police clash with union demonstrators in Noumea

Posted at 22:32 on 29 May, 2008 UTC

There have been clashes in the centre of the New Caledonian capital, Noumea, between police and supporters of the mainly Kanak USTKE union who claim to be deprived of their rights.

The union had called for a general strike to coincide with an official visit to Noumea by the new junior French minister in charge of overseas territories, Yves Jego.

The French high commissioner had decreed a ban on demonstrations near the

French mission, fearing disruptions as seen when Mr Jego’s predecessor was in town last October.

Hundreds of union supporters then gathered near the hospital and armed with sticks and rocks, they engaged the security forces who used tear gas in a bid to disperse the crowd.

One policeman is reported to have been injured and one demonstrator has been arrested.

The USTKE union has said it will keep protesting until Mr Jego’s visit

ends on Monday.

China's growth pains

International Socialism Journal Issue: 118
Charlie Hore

This year will see the thirtieth anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s announcement of China’s “Four Modernisations”, the economic reform programme that laid the basis for China’s economic boom. This summer’s Olympic Games, planned to be among the most spectacular ever, will underline the extent to which China has become a major economic and political power. But 2008 may also be the year when the long-predicted recession finally hits world capitalism—and that would have a profound effect on the Chinese economy. One way and another China will be much in the news this year.

One constant theme in that news coverage is the “threat” of China overtaking the US to become the world’s dominant economic power. The most obvious aspect of China’s recent economic growth has been its sheer speed, and it is this that largely fuels the idea of the “threat” (with a barely hidden undercurrent of “yellow peril” racism). However, what has less often been recognised is the unpredictability of China’s economic development. Time and again the direction and pace of China’s economic growth have taken Western capitalists and academics, as well as China’s rulers, by surprise. As the introduction to one academic survey ruefully noted:

Where in 1989 the consensus appeared to urge a policy of rapid privatisation, trade and foreign exchange liberalisation, and rapid stabilisation through drastic cuts in subsidies and the money supply, China’s economic dynamism appeared to result from strategy that ignored such advice.1

In this compendium review of a number of new and recent books on China I aim to do three things: to give an overview of China’s current position in the world economy and how it got there; to look at the limitations and constraints on China’s future growth; and to give a sense of what the past 15 years of breakneck growth have actually meant for peasants and workers in China. Readers should be aware that this is a very small selection of what has been published on contemporary China in the past couple of years. I have chosen these books because I think they are both interesting and accessible accounts of particular aspects of China, and all are worth reading for getting a greater sense of the scale, effects and limitations of China’s growth.

Continued HERE

Tuesday, May 27, 2008

Manifesto- Workshop on Marx this Thursday, 7pm

MANIFESTO- the Revolutionary Ideas of Karl Marx

Christophe Hoffmeier, a German Socialist from Marx21, a revolutionary group within the German Left Party, presents an introduction to the Communist Manifesto and the revolutionary ideas of Karl Marx, and how they still inspire resistance and savage capitalism 160 years on.

Also a Screening of the Communist ManifesTOON!

Time and Place
Thursday, May 29, 2008
7:00pm - 9:00pm
Room 260-219, Owen G Glen Building, Business School, University of Auckland
Symonds Street
Auckland, New Zealand

Contact Info

Monday, May 26, 2008

Mayday, Workers Day

Mayday, Workers Day-
its time to make the bosses pay!
(better late than never)

Friday, May 23, 2008

Solidarity with West Papua

Ongoing Protest at the sale of furniture made from rainforest “kwila” from West Papua

Indonesia Human Rights Committee and supporters conducted a further “Don’t Buy Kwila” demonstration close to the Design Warehouse at 136 Fanshawe St, Auckland City 12 Noon Saturday 24 May. Other demonstrations have taken place in South Auckland at the Four Seasons and Harvey Normans shops. While some retailers are now turning away from kwila to other woods with independent certification of legality, this is not the case for the Design Warehouse.

The participants used street theatre to highlight the devastating impact of the rainforest destruction and illegal logging on communities in West Papua . Tribal people are losing the traditional land and the forests that they depend on for their livelihood. Globally deforestation accounts for some 20% of greenhouse gas emissions.

This demonstration is timely because:

* The Ministries of Forestry and Trade are about to announce a new policy on illegal logging

* IHRC and Pax Christi are about to host a prominent Papuan Community leader and forestry expert Septer Manufandu ( CEO of Foker , Coalition of 64 NGOs) His Auckland Public meeting is on Tuesday June 3 at 7-30 pm Saint Columba Centre

* The Indonesian authorities are continuing to promote West Papua as the location for palm oil plantations – this will inevitably lead to increased deforestation.

Please refer to the Forest Friendly Furniture Guide:

For further information: Maire Leadbeater

09-815-9000 or 0274-436-957

Saturday, May 17, 2008

Israel - created by terrorism

Sixty years since the Palestinians were expelled, Anne Alexander and John Rose examine the roots of the Israeli state

The state of Israel was founded 60 years ago out of a monstrous crime – the expulsion of nearly a million Palestinians from their homes.

This violence is known to Palestinians as the Nakba – the Arabic word for “catastrophe”. It was followed by a second humanitarian disaster in 1967 when Israel seized the whole of Jerusalem and the entirety of historic Palestine – leading to over 40 years of military occupation and wave after wave of killings in defence of the Zionist state.

The events surrounding the Nakba and the creation of Israel in 1948 are crucial to understanding the roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict today.

The origins of the Zionist movement lie in Europe. The movement emerged in the late 19th century as a response to the growth of racist nationalism and antisemitism.

The tragedy of Zionism is that although it was driven by the desire to found a Jewish state as a safe haven for the oppressed, the movement’s leaders recognised that in order to do so they would need the support of a European government.

So they fashioned an ideology which made Zionism into a vanguard for European colonialism. Far from escaping European racist nationalism, Zionism aimed to export it by creating a Jewish colonial project.


After considerable debate the Zionist movement agreed on Palestine as a suitable site for the Jewish state and small groups of Jewish settlers began to move there over the first decades of the 20th century.

The British government, attracted by the Zionists’ promises that their settlements could help consolidate Britain’s control of newly-captured Ottoman lands, issued a declaration in 1917 agreeing to support the creation of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine.

Only two years before, British officials had also promised the same area to form part of an Arab kingdom, while behind the scenes they carved up Ottoman territory into spheres of influence in a secret deal with their wartime allies, the French.

At the peace negotiations after the First World War, Britain was given control of Palestine under the League of Nation’s mandate system.

Over the following two decades increasing numbers of Jewish immigrants moved to Palestine. The Jewish population grew from 50-60,000 in 1919 to nearly 450,000 in the mid-1930s.

The situation in Europe itself worsened with Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in Germany, and the Nazi persecution of the Jews. Most European governments acted towards these victims of the Nazis with double standards, condemning their treatment, as they shut their doors in the face of desperate refugees.


The birth of the new state of Israel was assisted by the world superpowers – as the US and the Soviet Union first backed the United Nations (UN) plan for the partition of Palestine and then recognised the state of Israel, hoping that this would accelerate British decline elsewhere in the Middle East.

The starting gun for the Zionist seiz-ure of most of Palestine was fired by the United Nations General Assembly, which voted in November 1947 to divide Palestine in two, leaving a Jewish state and a Palestinian state side by side.

The partition plan was manifestly unjust to the Palestinians.

In public the Zionist leaders welcomed partition, while in private they were already planning a ruthless assault on the civilian Palestinian population.

David Ben-Gurion, who became Israel’s first prime minister, explained to the executive of the Jewish Agency in November 1947, that a bleak future faced the Palestinians: “They can either be mass arrested or expelled – it is better to expel them.”

Throughout December 1947 and January 1948 Zionist militias carried out atrocities in Palestinian villages and neighbourhoods.

One such assault took place in the village of Khisas in Galilee on 18 December 1947. Zionist troops blew up houses in the village in the dead of night, while their occupants were sleeping. Fifteen people were killed, including five children.

From early December, in the city of Haifa, Zionist forces began rolling barrels of explosives into Palestinian neighbourhoods. They also poured burning oil into the streets and machine gunned residents who tried to put out the flames.

While the expulsions and massacres gathered pace, the Zionist leaders discussed and finally adopted what was known as Plan Dalet (after the Hebrew letter D). It gave clear orders to commanders of the Hagana – the Zionists’ main military force – on how to deal with the Palestinian population:

“These operations can be carried out either by destroying villages (by setting fire to them, by blowing them up and by planting mines in their rubble), and especially those population centres which are difficult to control permanently; or by mounting combing and control operations according to the following guidelines; encirclement of the villages, conducting a search inside them. In case of resistance, the armed forces must be wiped out and the population expelled outside the borders of the state.”

On 10 April 1948 in Deir Yassin over 90 villagers were massacred, one third of them babies.

There was a deadly purpose to such massacres – the perpetrators hoped to terrify their neighbours into flight, thus speeding up the process of expulsion.

The UN partition resolution prompted Arab governments to allow groups of volunteer fighters to enter Palestine in order to defend the Palestinian population.

Between December 1947 and May 1948 these were small bands, isolated from each other and lacking either adequate arms or a unified command.

Moreover, as Israeli historian Avi Shlaim notes, the tactics of the two sides were very different.

The Zionists quickly secured the main Jewish settlements and then struck out into areas designated as part of the Palestinian state, deliberately driving out the Palestinian population.

By contrast, the Arab fighters were more defensive, attempting to keep control of Palestinian areas, but rarely counterattacking into Zionist-held territory. By the time the main Arab armies intervened in May 1948, around 250,000 Palestinian refugees had already fled.


In mid-May 1948 the combined forces mobilised by the Arab states in Palestine numbered only 25,000 compared to the 35,000 fighters commanded by the nascent Israeli Defence Force (IDF).

The IDF rapidly brought more troops into battle, fielding 65,000 by mid-July and 96,441 by December.

Ben-Gurion announced the birth of Israel to the world on 15 May 1948. However, the expulsions and massacres continued to gather momentum.

As many as 230 Palestinians were shot in cold blood at Tantura and buried in a mass grave on 22 May.

Yitzhak Rabin, later prime minister of Israel, was in charge of military operations in the towns of Ramla and Lydd in July 1948.

He estimated that his troops drove around 50,000 Palestinians in the area from their homes, forcing them to march to the West Bank without food or water.

Over the following months the number of Palestinian refugees swelled to around 850,000.

Penniless and traumatised, they were housed in overcrowded camps in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution calling on Israel to allow the refugees to return – 60 years later they and their descendants are still waiting.

The disaster which overtook the Palestinians in 1948 has to be set in the context of a region in turmoil. One of the reasons why both the old colonial empires and the US saw a potentially valuable ally in the Zionist movement was the growth of a powerful anti-imperialist movement across the Middle East.

But the incompetence and treachery of the Arab leaders demonstrated the folly of leaving Palestine’s fate in the hands of the likes of King Abdullah of Jordan and King Farouq of Egypt.

However, 1948 also showed how the cause of Palestine could set the Middle East alight by strengthening and uniting a mass movement against imperialism and its local client rulers.

The following should be read alongside this article:
» Palestine voices
» How can Palestine be free?

Five fingers for a Fist - Founding principles of Socialist Aotearoa

1. One Solution, Revolution!

Socialist Aotearoa is a revolutionary, socialist, anti capitalist group. We fight for socialism from below, system change not climate change, and Rosa Luxemburg's battle cry that "Revolutionaries are those who fight the hardest for reforms in the here and now!".

2. Workers of the World, Unite.

Socialist Aotearoa is an international socialist group. We oppose all imperialist wars and occupations, and support all genuine national liberation struggles for independence. We demand the immediate withdrawal of New Zealand colonial troops from Afghanistan and the Pacific. We support the struggle for Tino Rangatiratanga and self determination for Maori in Aotearoa, fully aware of the bloody history of the New Zealand state's past and the dispossession of Maori today. We welcome refugees and immigrants to Aotearoa, and fight against racism wherever we find it.

3. Equality for all.

We oppose all oppressions based on race, gender, sexuality and religion.

4. United Fronts

Socialist Aotearoa will co-operate with other left wing parties, unions and movements, but maintain its organisational independence and state it's politics honestly and openly. We will work in United Fronts, but reserve the right to publish and contribute our own socialist ideas within them.

5. For a Rank and File network within the Trade Union movement.

The working class movement is the force we believe will change the world. As demonstrated by general strikes and revolutions throughout the decades, it has the power to shut down the system and replace it with a better world based on sharing and direct democracy. As such, Socialist Aotearoa members are active in our unions as volunteers, members, delegates and organisers.

We are with the Union leaders when they fight, but believe that union bureaucracy acts as a negotiating layer between the workers and the bosses. In order to counteract the influence of the Labour Party's union bosses , rank and file union members and delegates must organise a cross-union, cross-industry network of solidarity and struggle.

Ratified by the Socialist Aotearoa Foundation Hui, May 10th 2008.

Tu Kotahi - Freedom Fighting Anthems

"Tu Kotahi - Freedom Fighting Anthems" is a CD Compilation to raise money for those affected by the October 15th 'Terror' Raids.

All the money raised is split between organisations directly supporting those affected by the raids, and also working on consciousness raising around the issue.

The CDs were released, as a double CD, on Waitangi Day.

Cost $25 including a 38-page booklet.
If you have a credit card you can order the CDs at Otherwise please use the Contact form at to find other ways of getting them.

The booklet, called Wahanui, was put together by Conscious Collaborations and can be downloaded from

The CD will be posted to you and should arrive within 10 days.

They are $25 + $2 for postage and packaging.

Saturday, May 10, 2008

Workshop- Disaster Capitalism and the Burmese Cyclone

This second workshop by Socialist Aotearoa looks at the Shock Doctrine, the new book by Naomi Klein, and how the ruling class uses the impact of natural disasters, war and economic chaos to pulverise opposition and increase its power.

Omar Hamed will give a short presentation on the book and its main themes, and Tinmama Oo from the Burmese Support Group in AUSA will talk about the impact of the Cyclone on the people of Myanmar, and what the revolutionary democratic forces plan to do next in the run up to the 20th anniversary of the 8.8.88 revolution.

Can the Shock Doctrine be broken? Is it possible that the impact of this horrible disaster on Burma can weaken the hegemony of its brutal military junta? Come to the workshop and discuss.

Thursday 7pm,
Business Campus, Auckland University
for more details phone Tuna at

Auckland Solidarity with the people of Burma

Dear friends
Myanmar ( Burma ) Cyclone: has killed nearly half a million so far, millions missing, thousands at risk of disease, thousands are starving, thousands are displaced, and amid much horrible devastation.

Brutal regime told people to stay out of temples and houses, and that they must look elsewhere on their own. But there is nothing left for these people.

International aid agencies are trying so hard to get into Burma to help the victims, but the regime has repeatedly rejected humanitarian workers to coming into the country.

Please join Burma Support Group of the University of Auckland for a candle light visual night to commemorate the dead, and to pray for the victims of the Cyclone

Date: Wednesday May 14th, 2008
Time: 6-8pm
Place: Auckland University Quad, Princess st, Auckland .
Contact: Tinmama 0211664294, Rufus 02102528886

Palestine 60 years on- Auckland events

Special Forum with Maher Mughrabi for Auckland University Students, on the 60th anniversary of the destruction of Palestine.

When: Wednesday 14th May 2pm - 3pm,
Where: Clubspace, above the quad, Auckland University,

MAHER MUGHRABI is a Scottish-Palestinian journalist and writer with more than 12 years' experience on newsdesks in Britain (including The Independent, The Scotsman and The Daily Mail), the Middle East (Khaleej Times) and Australia who currently works as Foreign Desk News Editor for The Age in Melbourne.

His work as a current affairs writer for The Age has dealt with Western perceptions of Islam, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the war in Iraq, including an exclusive interview with the son of one of the two Iraqi men who were kidnapped with Australia's Douglas Wood and later murdered. He has also written on politics in India, Pakistan and Britain.

Mughrabi has also given lectures at Melbourne, Monash and La Trobe universities on the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, to the Melbourne Writers' Festival on the history of Zionism and to public audiences around Australia on Middle Eastern affairs and issues of Muslims and migration. In 2007 he was a guest speaker at Palestine Uncut, a film festival to mark 40 years of occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and in April 2008 he was a special guest at the Sydney Arab Film Festival's session on Palestinian films.

He will also be speaking...
Monday, May 12th, 7.30pm, Trades Hall, 147 Great North Road, Grey Lynn.
GPJA FORUM: "Facing the Forests: What peace and justice mean, 60 years on"
Maher Mughrabi Scottish-Palestinian journalist and writer, currently the foreign
desk news editor for The Age, Melbourne. Global Peace & Justice Auckland (GPJA)

Tuesday, May 13th, 7pm, Tivoli, Oneroa, Waiheke Island,
Prospects for Palestine Questions and Answer session, Maher Mughrabi,

Wednesday, May 14th, 6-7.30pm, Lecture Theatre 029 Clock Tower Building,
Princes St
"State of Siege: Problems & Prospects for Palestinians & Israelis" - Maher
Mughrabi. NZ Institute of International Affairs University of Auckland,

>>>>> Human Rights Film Festival >>>>>

The Human Rights Network of Aotearoa is proud to present the fourth annual New Zealand Human Rights Film Festival - a cinematic event celebrating extraordinary people striving for success and achievement amidst the most difficult circumstances and conditions.

2008 is a particularly special year for the Human Rights movement as it's the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the films shown during the festival not only celebrate how far we have come since the signing but also where work is still needed if the promise of the first Article - All human beings are born free and equal - is to be realised.
  • Wellington 8 - 16 May | Paramount Theatre
  • Auckland 15 - 23 May | Rialto Newmarket
  • Christchurch 22 - 30 May | Regent on Worcester
  • Dunedin 29 May - 6 June | Rialto Dunedin
Official Site - Schedule, films, booking, prices…

Wednesday, May 21st, 8pm, Rialto Theatre, Newmarket
" Occupation 101" followed by discussion, Human Rights Film Festival,

Thursday May 22nd, 6pm, Rialto Theatre, Newmarket
"Occupation 101" followed by discussion, Human Rights Film Festival,

"Remember the solidarity shown to Palestine here and everywhere... and remember also that there is a cause to which many people have committed themselves, difficulties and terrible obstacles notwithstanding. Why? Because it is a just cause, a noble ideal, a moral quest for equality and human rights." - Edward Said, Palestinian/American historian/political commentator
SJP on the internet:

Monday, May 05, 2008

"Back-stabbing" CTU

Matt McCarten: Junior doctors deserve support from CTU - not back-stabbing

5:00AM Sunday May 04, 2008
By Matt McCarten

There is a sacred principle among trade unionists: when a group of workers is on strike you support them to the hilt. To side with the boss is the most serious of all crimes.

Working-class history is full of epic struggles that led to better wages and conditions. Crossing a picket line banished the offender to lifetime alienation as a "scab" with whom no working person of good character would associate. This was so effective in stopping bosses from breaking strikes a law was passed making it an offence to use the word.

So last week I was gobsmacked to see the head of the trade union movement publicly attack the junior doctors' two-day strike and their union leadership. It's not as if CTU president Helen Kelly doesn't know any better - her parents were staunch unionists.

According to Kelly the impasse in negotiations between the doctors and the district health boards (DHBs) is the fault of the union. She essentially accused the doctors' negotiator, Deborah Powell, of having her own agenda and manipulating her membership. I've heard this frequently from bosses when there's an industrial scrap. But it's the first time I've heard it from our own side.

Kelly says she hopes the strike "doesn't give unions a bad name" and the doctors' union is not a "modern union". This is because it focuses too much on getting better wages and conditions for its members and lacks professional advisers, "such as policy analysts, economists, lawyers and advocates". Its crimes include not attending talk-fests with Ministry of Health and DHB officials and other unions to "work towards a better health system".

She seems to think a modern union levies its members to employ "professional advisers" so they can have meetings with the ever-expanding health bureaucracy. Maybe the doctors are smarter than she thinks. I'm told that if all the DHB bureaucrats had to go into hospital there wouldn't be enough beds available. I'm sure you need a talk-fest to see what the real problem is.

The doctors' union has been in negotiations since its collective agreement expired last June. Next month all its members revert to individual contracts. Due to the nature of their profession, many move from hospital to hospital. Without a union contract they can't transfer their wages and conditions and will have to negotiate individually with their new DHB, meaning they will get screwed when they go to smaller DHBs.

There's a lot of intentional nonsense spun from the Government and the health bosses over what the doctors are paid, but it boils down to $23 an hour.

The union has said it wants a 10 per cent average increase over three years. The DHBs said 4.25 per cent, take it or leave it. What the media hasn't reported is that the doctors offered to accept the same percentage the DHBs offered senior doctors.

The bosses turned them down flat. There is no appeal process. What does the Health Minister David Cunliffe, who has sided with the bosses, and Kelly suggest the doctors do? Give in?

But it's not really about the money - the doctors are fighting for a sustainable public health system. More than 200 resident doctors have left for overseas jobs since the negotiations reached a stalemate in December.

In Australia they can command salaries of three times what they get here. If the doctors don't win we should accept that our medical schools are here to train doctors for Australia and we will have to replace them with any doctors we can steal from developing countries.

Because of the hundreds of doctor vacancies, the doctors know that if they resign from the public system they are immediately contracted back as locums doing the same job for three times their hourly rate. That's $3000 for a 40-hour week with no night shift. According to the doctors the average locum gets $200,000 a year and does fewer hours than them. Therefore it's no surprise that one in three resident doctors has done exactly that.

Ninety per cent of all health system locums are former employees or employees on leave. What bureaucratic talk-fest thought that criminal nonsense up?

The doctors' union says it costs the taxpayer $100 million for locums. They say the $300-$500 an hour paid to locums during the strike, for the jobs that pay them $23 an hour, is more than their entire wage demand.

So instead of attacking the union, the president of the CTU should be demanding that Cunliffe stop lining up with the hospital bosses and make sure the doctors get a decent salary.

Otherwise, the doctors' accusation that the CTU president seems more interested in looking after her mates in the Government than workers does seem to have a ring of truth to it.

ACTION- Sign the MayDay letter to CTU President Helen Kelly

Thursday, May 01, 2008


A public forum with NICKY HAGER and JANE KELSEY
Part Three of the TALK ABOUT TERROR series
brings together two of New Zealand's prominent experts on issues of surveillance and decolonisation to discuss the implications of this new terrorism legislation.

Whare Wananga, Second Floor,
Auckland Central Library, Lorne Street
Wednesday 7 May, 6pm – 7:30pm

The terrorist attacks on the US of September 11, 2001 have had a profound effect on the way nation states protect their territories. In the United Kingdom and the United States, we have seen the introduction of an increased level of surveillance on everyday citizens, ranging from CCTV to the recording of private conversations. Here in New Zealand, we have seen the introduction of the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002, which grants the Government additional powers in its ability to surveil, search and detain those suspected of terrorist acts. While designed to protect citizens, the arrest of a number of environmental and Maori activists in the so-called "terror raids" since October last year have raised widespread debate on the use and limits of surveillance.

In this third session of the Talk About Terror series, we are joined by independent investigative journalist NICKY HAGER and Professor of Law JANE KELSEY to talk about the topic of
civil surveillance.

NICKY HAGER brings an intimate knowledge of the organisation of intelligence networks in New
Zealand. The author of four books, including Secret Power: New Zealand's role in the international spy network (1996) and The Hollow Men: A study in the politics of deception (2006), Hagar is widely considered to be one of New Zealand's leading investigative journalists.

Professor JANE KELSEY is an internationally renowned expert on globalisation, economics, social policy and decolonisation. The author of six books, including The New Zealand Experiment. A World Model for Structural Adjustment? (1995) and Reclaiming the Future. New Zealand in the Global Economy (2000), Kelsey travels extensively as a consultant, keynote presenter and accredited journalist.


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